Nice little state you’se got dere, Governor Pence

Had the only appreciable opposition to RFRA come from gay rights activists, RFRA would have been a smashing political success for Republicans. It would have made the right enemies while generating gratitude and energy in the base. They did not expect their usual friends in corporate America to join the opposition …

The decision by Apple, Walmart, Eli Lilly, Angie’s List, and so on was abusiness decision—even more, a marketing decision. Coming out in opposition to the Indiana RFRA law was one of the shrewdest marketing coups since E.T. followed a trail of Reese’s Pieces. The decision to #BoycottIndiana was not made because it was the politically courageous thing to do; it was made because it was the profitable thing to do. The establishment could express support for a fashionable social norm while exerting very little effort, incurring no actual cost, and making no sacrifice to secure the goal. It had the further advantage of distracting most people from the fact that corporations like Apple have no compunction doing business in places with outright oppression of gays, women, and Christians. Those real forms of repression and discrimination didn’t matter; Indiana’s purported oppression of gays did …

We saw fully unmasked just who runs America, and the kind of America that they are bringing more fully into reality every passing day. It will be an America where the powerful will govern completely over the powerless, where the rich dictate terms to the poor, where the strong are unleashed from the old restraints of culture and place, where libertarian indifference—whether in respect to economic inequality or morals—is inscribed into the ­national fabric, and where the unburdened, hedonic human will reign ascendant. No limits reflected in political, social, or religious norms can be permitted: All are allowed except those who would claim the legitimacy of restraint.

(Patrick Deneen, The Power Elite)

Separate coalitions are forming to represent distinct interests — the newest being Indiana Competes, announced Wednesday, which will make the business case for adding civil rights protections for lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender Hoosiers …

Like Freedom Indiana, Tech for Equality and powerful business interests such as Lilly, Columbus, Ind.-based diesel-engine maker Cummins and the NCAA, Indiana Competes wants the General Assembly to adopt what’s becoming known as “full protections” — the addition of sexual orientation and gender identity as protected classes in the areas of housing, employment and public accommodations …

Last week, the influential Indiana Chamber of Commerce, which represents businesses statewide, announced its support for an expansion of LGBT protections …

“We prefer to speak for ourselves,” said Indiana Chamber president Kevin Brinegar. “We’ll advocate our position and do it parallel to any other organization’s.”

The Indiana Chamber’s reasons for supporting sexual orientation and gender identity protections align with the same economic argument as Indiana Competes — that the expansion of the civil rights law would be necessary to keep Indiana competitive in the recruitment, attraction and retention of talent.

(Indianapolis Star via Lafayette Journal & Courier, November 12; link probably wouldn’t work if I tried.)

I’m going to thrown down my hoary gauntlet once more: where is the evidence of systemic discrimination, crying out for legislative remediation, based on these sexual and gender ephemera, in employment, housing, public accommodations or education? In my Hoosier hometown, in 22-some years since addition of sexual orientation to our human relations ordinance, I don’t believe there has been a single violation found — though there have been allegations ranging from dubious to absurd (e.g., accusing our local Kinko’s of sexual orientation discrimination when it was famously crawling with LGBT stereotypes in that era).

Religious belief that sodomy (gay or generally) is sinful doesn’t count unless it enters the marketplace. Historically, the occasional oddball discriminator in the marketplace doesn’t even count; the only problems warranting anti-discrimination laws have been de jure (e.g., Jim Crow) or those so systemic, widely- and deeply-rooted as to have an adverse economic (not psychic) affect on those suffering discrimination.

The Chamber of Commerce argument, to be blunt, is circular: we want this because our kind of people want this. Freely paraphrasing Apple’s Tim Cook, “Nice little state you’se got dere, Governor Pence. It’d be a real shame if anything bad happened to it, like #BoycottIndiana. Capiche?”

The eventuality of this “full protection” against discrimination, based on vague laws tied to invisible and subjective traits, is the kind of kangaroo courts that now infamously privilege putative victims of microaggression in campus proceedings (this, for instance). Heck, as they say on the internet these days, “‘Gender Identity’ don’t real” (arguably). But Social Justice Warriors (this seems to be the current term) will use these laws with impunity to harass enough culture war dissenters to chill further dissent. And Corporate America will get a free pass on other sins (think “Bill Clinton’s immunity from feminist outrage for sexual predation because he favored abortion”).

Once more, Ayn Rand’s one moment of moral sanity (in a life otherwise full of self-absorbed dissipation) gets vindicated:

Did you really think that we want those laws observed? . . . We want them broken . . . . There’s no way to rule innocent men.  The only power any government has is to crack down on criminals.  Well, when there aren’t enough criminals one makes them.  One declares so many things to be a crime that it becomes impossible to live without breaking laws.  Who wants a nation of law-abiding citizens?  What’s there in that for anyone?  But just pass the kind of laws that can neither be observed nor enforced nor objectively interpreted — and you create a nation of lawbreakers — and then you cash in on guilt.

(Ayn Rand, Atlas Shrugged, emphasis added)

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“In learning as in traveling and, of course, in lovemaking, all the charm lies in not coming too quickly to the point, but in meandering around for a while.” (Eva Brann)

Some succinct standing advice on recurring themes.

Today’s two rhetorical gears

The diagnosis made by Randall B. Smith in part one of a two-part Public Discourse essay is not at all unexpected: the tone and increasing lack of basic civility that have come to categorize public discourse is toxic. But he has lots of collected relevant thoughts from smart people, and then part two includes a nice summary:

College students often have only two gears when it comes to public discourse: “non-judgmentalism” and “furious indignation.” In one gear, they proclaim endlessly that “this is just what I think,” that they “don’t want to judge anyone else” and that they “don’t want to tell anyone else what to do.” And yet when they come upon some activity or expression they find unacceptable—usually something they have been taught to view as a sign of an unacceptable prejudice or bias—their response is loud and furious: a shrill protest of indignation.

His mistake here is understandable: he’s an academic. I’m here to tell him, though, that it’s not just college students.

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“The remarks made in this essay do not represent scholarly research. They are intended as topical stimulations for conversation among intelligent and informed people.” (Gerhart Niemeyer)

Some succinct standing advice on recurring themes.

Blind pig finds acorn

Rod Dreher has been dwelling too much in the last week or so on dubious stories (or are they just stories of a sort about which I’ve reached my psychic limit?), but I think he’s got this one right:

I do not like Ted Cruz, no I don’t, don’t, don’t. But he made a good point last night, highlighted in his answer on immigration:

What was said was right, the Democrats are laughing because if Republicans join Democrats as the party of amnesty, we will lose. And you know, I understand that when the mainstream media covers immigration, it doesn’t often see it as an economic issue. But I can tell you for millions of Americans at home, watching this, it is a very personal economic issue. And I will say the politics of it would be very, very different if a bunch of lawyers or bankers were crossing the Rio Grande. Or if a bunch of people with journalism degrees were coming over and driving down the wages in the press. Then we would see stories about the economic calamity that is befalling our nation ….

(Citing National Review, emphasis added by Dreher)

As long as the plutocrats are in charge, and Americans aren’t willing to work for a pittance, all the immigration reform talk in the world is just blather. Cruz gets that, at least as polyvalent political polemics.

It’s the new version of supply and demand: demand more wages and benefits than we’ve budgeted and we’ll supply immigrants who’ll demand less.

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“The remarks made in this essay do not represent scholarly research. They are intended as topical stimulations for conversation among intelligent and informed people.” (Gerhart Niemeyer)

Some succinct standing advice on recurring themes.

Sumptuous Sunday Banquet

  1. Around the Corner
  2. The Truth of Mary
  3. Math, Reason and Civilization
  4. A Gifted Existence
  5. The Poetry of God
  6. Human Tradition in a Modern World
  7. Excuse Me, You Are Not Rational
  8. Atheism and the Imagination
  9. About Fairy Tales
  10. Making It Up in America
  11. A Faerie Apocalypse
  12. The Elves Have Left the Building
  13. Theology and Faerie – The Modern Tragedy

I have fallen far behind on Fr. Stephen Freeman’s blog by a full baker’s dozen. Laid low by laryngitis, I have caught up. Here’s an uncommonly long Sunday Banquet in addition to my earlier offering. (Note the many tags and few categories; Fr. Stephen thinks outside my box.)
Continue reading “Sumptuous Sunday Banquet”